Napoleon's Ideologues

We have taken up the study Pierre-Jean Cabanis (1757-1808) on the recommendation of Thomas Jefferson, founding father of French Ideologie in the United States, because we want to know more about our French heritage. Dr. Cabanis was trained as a medical doctor. Jefferson, an avowed materialist, was most impressed by Dr. Cabanis' physiological ideology extrapolated in twelve memoirs and published as Rapports du physique et du moral de l'homme in 1802. Of course the philosophical rapport between body and mind was monistic; i.e. material. Following the lead of the French Enlightenment's scientism, Dr. Cabanis propounded a materialist physiology, rejecting metaphysical speculation and the presumption of an Author of final causes.

Physiology of course is the study of the functions of living organisms in relation to their anatomical structure. It is an ancient dissecting or analytical science, a science improved in modern times by the development of deductive methodology. Since the body as an object is better known than the illusive, subjective mind, Dr. Cabanis presented physiology as the foundational study of what he called the 'Science of Man': "Physiology, the analysis of ideas, and morale," he explained, "are but three branches of one and the same science, which can be rightly called the science of man." Jefferson translated Dr. Cabanis' Rapports into English and urged that it be studied prior to tacking up the more abstract philosophy of another leading French Ideologist, Destutt de Tracy, whose courses in Ideologie Jefferson also translated - he eventually the courses into the curriculum of his beloved university as 'ideology.'

'Scientific' writers had exerted an extraordinary influence over the educated French mind during the Enlightenment, helping to release it from the shackles of spiritual and moral dogma. As for illiterate people, the theater played the influential role. The group of thinkers Napoleon contemptuously called Ideologues stood at the end of the Enlightenment, on the verge of the Romantic reaction introduced into France, with great thanks to Madame de Stael's love of German literature.

French doctors were still bleeding their patients to death in those days. The science of medicine as well as the art of quackery was a popular topic. France had the "doctor's disease." Its leading medical doctors took the spotlight and were now loquacious gentlemen of the world with excellent bedside and salon manners. Besides the usual ravaging diseases they were confronted with, they had to attend at length to noble women suffering from the vapours and rebellious pulses.

Dr. Pierre-Jean Cabanis was certainly a gentleman; he was taken in as a protégé by Madame d'Helvetius, thereby rubbing shoulders at her Auteuil salon with the leading lights of the latter-day Enlightenment; company included American notables such Thomas Jefferson and Benjamin Franklin. However, with one famous exception, Dr. Cabanis did not actually practice medicine: he wrote about it. And like other Ideologists whose science was the Science of Ideas, he was deeply involved in politics. His ideas were 'radical' in the British sense of the term; for instance, he was devoted to the radical reform of the pathetic hospital system. Yet, generally speaking, his politics were what we might characterize as liberal conservative. We note that, like other gentle members of Madame d'Helvetius' salon, he withdrew from the public scene during the Reign of Terror. And he played a significant part in Napoleon's rise to power.

To say the very least, the ten years since 1789 had been stormy. Since 1795, a Directory of five relatively moderate directors governed France. These executives led by Paul Barras, together with the members of the bicameral legislature of the Councils of Ancients and Five Hundred, were so desperately preoccupied with staying on the public horse that they were unable to regulate its zigzagging course. For one thing, they had no funds and were reduced to selling national artworks to raise a little hard cash. Crime and disorder were running rampant, and little or nothing could be done to put down rebellions. In its very first year, Barras had to call on his young protégé, Napoleon Bonaparte, to drive away unruly crowds with "The Whiff of Grapeshot." As conditions worsened, intellectuals grew exceedingly anxious. The political body suffered from a malaise that worried doctors interpreted as a leading indicator of another violent anarchic eruption. A remedy was dearly wanted.

By 1799, more than seventy newspapers in Paris alone ran wild with suggestions. The political cacophony of the regular journals was supplemented by a pamphlet press so slanderous in nature that they were called libelles. Madame de Stael, a free-thinker devoted to the Christian moral code, had enjoyed the company of Bonaparte at her famous salon - she admired men with strong wills like her own. She championed a constitutional monarchy along English lines - she would be delighted of course to provide strong guidance therefor. Napoleon demurred. He admired her, but she was a bit too pushy for his taste. She was eventually exiled - in depressing exile she wrote among other things an interesting paper on the subject of suicide: No - suicide is against sound Christian principles.

Now monarchists were promoting all sorts of monarchy including absolutism, but royalty was scarcely in vogue. The Ideologists at the Institut de France were the most influential force in the literary community - they also had enjoyed Napoleon's company - at their sanctum sanctorum: Madame l'Helvetius' salon in Auteuil. They were so pleased with his praise of the letters and sciences that they made him an honorary member of the Institut de France. As far as the Ideologists were concerned, Napoleon was the right general authority to restore dysfunctional France; not to monarchy, of course, but to a healthy dynamic equilibrium; then he would make certain that eufunctional natural law and order was maintained. Of course the Ideologists, including L'Abbe Emmanuel-Joseph Sieyes - the group's most powerful politician, best known for his statement that the Third Estate is "everything" - did not want a monarchy or a dictator. However, since ordinary people were apparently not ready for freedom, bold intervention was required: a regimen would have to be prescribed and executed from the top down for the good of the patient.

Wherefore a formula was concocted to cure the fledgling nation of its ill-tempered democratic Republic - The Directory (1795-1799) - and to regenerate a healthy "Republic" - The Consulate (1799-1804), which was really a dictatorship. That would require ridding France of its dystructural document: the Revolutionary Constitution of the year III. Since the reader may already know how that was accomplished by the historic Coup d'Etat of the Eighteenth of Brumaire (9 November 1799), we shall provide scant reminders simply to jog his or her memory.

Napoleon had been greeted by enthusiastic crowds when he returned from Egypt in 1799 - surely he was the savior everyone had hoped for, the general who could do for France what General Monk had done for England in 1660 at the end of Cromwell's revolutionary disaster. While Napoleon had been away on his military adventures, he had maintained contact with the Ideologists through his brothers. Now, on his return, he conversed with Dr. Cabanis, who was a leader of the Council of Five Hundred, Abbe Sieyes, and other Ideologists. Abbe Sieyes said to Napoleon, "We have no constitution, at least not the one we need. It is for your genius to give us one." Napoleon's brother, Lucien Bonaparte, was president of the Five Hundred. In order to accomplish the coup, it was decided to remove the Councils of Ancients and Five Hundred, from Paris to a palace in secluded St. Cloud, in order to avoid a Jacobin plot - to be alleged by the conspirators. Dr. Cabanis strongly supported this plan, knowing well that it would deprive the present government of local support. Let us turn to Napoleon's Memoirs for a good brief account of what transpired:

"At seven o'clock in the evening I held a council at the Tuileries. Abbe Sieyes proposed that the forty principle leaders of the opposite parties should be arrested. The recommendation was a wise one; but I believed I was too strong to need any such precautions. 'I swore in the evening,' said I, 'to protect the national representation; I will not this evening violate my oath: I fear no such weak enemies.' Everybody agreed in opinion with Abbe Sieyes, but nothing could overcome this delicacy on my part. It will soon appear that I was in the wrong."

Napoleon writes that there was an unfortunate delay of a few hours getting the orangerie hall of Saint Cloud palace ready for the Five Hundred - he and his staff had the Emperor's Cabinet, while the Ancients met in the Saloon of Princes. The deputies became exasperated by the delay and demanded of the Ancients to know why they had been called. Was it to change the Directory? Fine, then, put Napoleon and a couple of other citizens in there. At that point the conspirators in the know suggested the plan previously concocted: dispose with Constitution III; adjourn the Councils of Ancients and Five Hundred for three months; establish Three Provisional Consuls, and regenerate the state. These hints before the meeting went over like a lead balloon. When the Five Hundred finally managed to be seated in the hall, Napoleon reports that, "The furious rushing forth of winds inclosed in the caverns of Aeolus never raised a more raging storm. The speaker was violently hurled to the bottom of the tribune. The ferment became excessive." The members were urged to renew Constitution III by swearing to it. The feeling in favor of doing so was so fervent and overbearing that even Lucien was compelled to swear.

Meanwhile Napoleon was drumming up support in the Ancients. We shall never forget his famous speech, which another famous corporal, his admiring student, Adolph Hitler, no doubt studied well: "You stand upon a volcano; the Republic no longer possess a government; the Directory is dissolved; factions are at work; the hour of decision is come. You have called in my arms and the arms of my comrades, to the support of your wisdom.... I know that Caesar,and Cromwell, are talked of - as if this day could be conquered with past times. No, I desire nothing but the safety of the Republic.... And you, grenadiers, whose caps I perceive at the doors of this hall - speak - have I ever deceived you?" And so on.

A member by the name of Lingley arose to astonish the assembly into silence with a remarkable question: "General, we applaud what you say; swear then, with us, obedience to the Constitution of the year III which can alone save the Republic."

After Napoleon recovered his composure, he pointed out that the said Constitution had been violated so many times that it no longer was in effect: "There must be a new compact, new guarantees." Three-quarters of the Ancients rose in approval. An member of the opposition denounced Napoleon as a conspirator against public liberty, but he retorted in turn that he knew the secrets of every party; to with: the existing Constitution was despised by all.

At this point Napoleon got wind that, over in the assembly of Five Hundred, his brother Lucien was being forced to declare him an outlaw, hence he rushed to the orangery, where he was greeted by two or three hundred members shouting, "Death to the tyrant! down with the tyrant!" Two grenadiers saved him from the mob - one was wounded by a dagger and another had his clothes cut through. Napoleon drummed up his soldiers outside and complained that he had come to save the Republic but was attacked with daggers by deputies inside who were doing the bidding of foreign kings. "Soldiers," may I rely on you?" But of course he could, hence he ordered a captain with ten men to enter the chamber of Five Hundred and liberate his brother. When they arrive, Lucien had just thrown off his official robes of office and was calling the Five Hundred, "Wretches!" And more. The deputies thought for a moment that the soldiers had come to express loyalty to the legislative Council - they were soon disabused of the notion. The soldiers shouted, "Down with the assassins!" Lucien was saved from the legislative mob and taken outside where he mounted a horse and addressed Napoleon: "General - and you, soldiers - the President of the Council of Five Hundred proclaims to you that factious men, with drawn daggers, have interrupted the deliberations of that assembly. He calls upon you to employ force against these disturbers. The Council of Five Hundred is dissolved."

Napoleon informs us of his reply: "It shall be done." Of course he did not want one drop of blood spilled, and advised his soldiers accordingly. They charged into the chamber with bayonets - the deputies took to the windows and fled to Paris. That was the end of the "Constitution of the year III."

Dr. Cabanis had apparently avoided the clamor at Saint Cloud and was at his residence in Auteuil when he heard of the coup's success, then rushed to Saint Cloud and wrote the manifesto delivered to the nation by the new regime. The proclamation was read by torchlight to joyful Parisians. It was Napoleon's account of the day's events. Daggers had been drawn in the assembly. France had been saved from the incompetent and corrupt Directory. "Wholesome resolutions for the public safety" were about to become "the new and provisional law of the Republic. The principles of preservation, protection, and liberality, are restored to their due preponderance by the dispersion of those factious men who tyrannized over the Councils, and who, thought they have been prevented from becoming the most hateful of mankind, are the most wretched."

Dr. Cabanis insisted to his dying day that he sincerely believed in the proclamation when he wrote it. Napoleon made him a senator. But he as well as the other Ideologists soon fell out with Napoleon because of his dictatorial methods - Destutt de Tracy, to his credit, never trusted Napoleon. In the United States, Jefferson eventually leaned Napoleon's way. John Adams liked him outright and loved his derogatory term, Ideologues, for his erstwhile supporters - Adams really got into the spirit some time later and called the science of ideas 'Idiotology.'

Surely Dr. Cabanis, since he was somewhat liberally disposed, must have become suspicious of Napoleon's reactionary conservatism at the very first meeting of the Provisional Consuls. We certainly hope so, for we like Dr. Cabanis and we cannot help but recall Hitler's remark on the subject, that Napoleon had wisely surrounded himself with "insignificant" men prior to becoming Consul. However that may be, Napoleon, as usual, relates the story of the first meeting of the Consuls well enough to directly quote it in part:

"The first sitting of the Consuls lasted several hours. Sieyes had hoped that I would interfere only in military matters, and would leave the regulation of civil affairs to him; but he was much surprised when he observed that I had formed settled opinions on policy, finance, and justice: even on jurisprudence also; and, in a word, on all branches of administration; that I supported my ideas with arguments at once forceable and concise, and that I was no convinced. In the evening, on the return home, Sieyes said in the presence of Chazal, Talleyrand, Boulay, Roederer, Cabanis, etc.: 'Gentlemen, you have a master: Napoleon will do all, and can do all. In our deplorable situation, it is better to submit, than to excite dissensions which would draw down certain ruin.'"

Now that we know where Dr. Cabanis stood in respect to the constitutional disease of Revolutionary France, we shall examine the particular themes of his political ideology. We shall also consider his welfare programs - I think we might be favorably impressed by them. Finally, we shall consider his medical practice, which was virtually limited to the treatment of a single patient: his dying friend, the Revolutionary statesman, Mirabeau.